WOMEN IN SOCIETY
No known societies have entrusted any
technological activities specifically to women. Although such female activities
as food preparation and cooking approximate technology, men monopolize hunting,
butchering, and the processing of hard materials. KINSHIP provides the basic
social organization in preliterate societies; work is allocated according to
gender and generation.
Some 19th-century
scholars, notably Johann Jakob BACHOFEN,
believed that the matriarchal family was the foundation of human society. More
recent work has discredited this myth of MATRIARCHY. Many preliterate
societies, however, were matrilineal (descent was traced through the family of
the mother) or matrilocal (newly married couples resided with and worked for
the family of the mother). Among the Iroquois, who offer the best-known case of
female power, women's influential roles were based on female control of the
group's economic organization. As a rule, in societies in which hunting
predominated, there was greater sexual segregation in work and childrearing,
greater emphasis on competition, and a masculine cast to creation myths and
cosmology. Whereas in more settled societies, which relied marginally or not at
all on hunting, there was greater sexual integration, less competitiveness, and
a feminine cast to creation myths and cosmology.
By c.3000 BC, in
SUMER, the first of the Bronze Age patriarchal civilizations of Mesopotamia,
recognizable class divisions and royal dynasties had appeared, consolidating
women's exclusion from politics. According to class position, women continued
to exercise varied roles and to enjoy some legal protection for property.
Symbolically, the early role of priestesses was transformed into the roles of
concubines and prostitutes in the god's harem. The legal code of the Old
Babylonian king Hammurabi carried the patriarchal tendencies of Sumer to their
logical severity, including draconian punishments for women who challenged the
sacred masculine dominance.
The Minoan
society of Crete, which also took shape about 3000 BC, contrasted sharply with
Sumer by perpetuating women's preponderant influence in religion and social
life and granting them equal political authority with men. Minoan women,
belonging to a trading rather than a warrior society, drew strength both from
their membership in corporate kinship groups and from their institutionalized
ties with other women.
The classical
myths of origin, memorably recorded and shaped by HESIOD during the 8th century
BC, set forth a complex anthropomorphic cosmology in which women figure
prominently as disruptive forces, such as PANDORA and APHRODITE, or as asexual
virgins, such as ATHENA and ARTEMIS. Hesiod explicitly depicted the progress of
civilization as the triumph of male power and principles of justice over the
reproductive forces of women. His interpretation was reinforced by subsequent
authors, especially Aeschylus in the Oresteia and Sophocles in Antigone.
In keeping with
its cultural hostility toward women, classical Greek civilization (5th-3d
century BC) severely curtailed women's political participation. This trend
reflected the transition from an aristocratic to a more egalitarian commercial
society with a growing dependence on slave labor. Classical Athens firmly
relegated women, with slaves and children, to the household, or oikos, which
male citizens dominated and represented in the polity. The married woman
nonetheless earned dignity and respect from her management of the oikos. The
more authoritarian Spartans, who also displayed deep misogyny (hatred of women)
and radically segregated women and men, allowed women defined public roles. The
fear of and hostility toward women that permeated Greek culture was
institutionalized in law and indirectly expressed in men's idealization and
love of other men, particularly young boys. SAPPHO, the outstanding female
writer, was an exiled lesbian poet who lived and worked with other women.
Although
different in its social foundations, traditional Judaic society also restricted
women's social role and encouraged sexual segregation. Judaism probably also
reflected a historic revolt against a prehistoric female-centered cosmology. By
historic times, Jewish monotheism was clearly founded upon the worship of a
male creator and lawgiver.
The Roman state,
with its principle of patriapotestas ("right of the father"), granted
women even fewer rights than had the Greek states but probably permitted them
greater personal freedom. Although the patriapotestas granted the father extensive
rights, including that of life and death, over his wife, Roman culture never
expressed deep hostility toward female sexuality, nor a sharp polarity between
the sexes.
Christianity
emerged in part as a reaction to the perceived laxity of late Hellenistic
morals, Roman imperialism, and the internal crisis of Jewish society. Although
women figured prominently among early converts and proselytizers, the
architects of Christian orthodoxy, most notably Saint Paul, mistrusted
sexuality in general and women in particular. Increasingly, Christianity
stressed both EVE's responsibility for the fall of the human race from divine
grace and MARY's virginity. Women were denied official religious roles until,
eventually, a place was made for them in the religious orders.
The Germanic
tribes that overran the Roman Empire seem to have regarded women largely as
property to be exchanged by men. The Roman historian Tacitus, however,
emphasized Germanic women's roles as seers and prophets, and subsequent
Christian chroniclers praised women's efforts to convert their men. Although
nuns and abbesses worked devotedly to extend the influence of the church, their
lay sisters remained strictly subordinate to husband and family.
By the 9th
century, women's legal position had improved as a result of complex social
change. Women's ability to inherit property strengthened their position within
the family and influenced society at large. The Carolingian rulers reinforced
the church's policy of the indissolubility of marriage, thus protecting women
against repudiation for childlessness. Property and marital security enabled
women to play more active roles in the early Middle Ages. From the 11th century
on, however, women's freedoms were steadily restricted, first by the church,
and later by lay society. The rise of monarchies strengthened male control of
families and increased male opportunities in the public sphere. The rise of
COURTLY LOVE, which simultaneously idealized women as objects of male devotion
and drew them from religious devotion to romantic love of men, provided
cultural compensation for declining female independence.
The Renaissance
did not reverse the general erosion of women's position that resulted from the
growing importance of commerce and centralized states. The individualistic,
secular culture that might have invited female as well as male participation
self-consciously defined itself as the male mind triumphing over (female)
nature. Renaissance thought still portrayed women as dangerous and disorderly.
Urban institutions followed the Athenian pattern of associating men with
politics and women with the household. The Reformation, which recognized the
importance of women's participation in their own salvation, glorified marriage,
and benefited from female support, nonetheless repudiated the implications of
sexual equality. As early as the 15th century, a few women, notably Christine
de Pisan (1364-1431), had sought to win respect for female intellectuals, but
without success. Typically, female initiative was channeled into religious
vocation, social promotion through marriage, or family interests. Some
upper-class women enjoyed unusual opportunities because of their family:
queens, such as Elizabeth I, female regents, princesses of the blood, and
noblewomen. Peasant and lower-class women worked with and for their families in
agriculture, crafts, and households. Custom normally favored their inheritance
rights, but formal institutions favored male dominance.
The Puritan
Revolution of 17th-century England promoted a close identification of women
with domestic life that gained broad acceptance throughout the 18th century.
While the American and French Revolutions yielded mixed benefits for women,
both restricted citizenship to men. The NAPOLEONIC CODE approximated the Roman
patriapotestas in its subjugation of married women to their husbands. The
individualism of Enlightenment thought, however, combined with the
revolutionary defense of individual rights, sowed the seeds of modern feminism.
Throughout the Western world the gradual
development of liberal and democratic institutions encouraged the emergence of
a model of womanhood for women of all classes and a dominant doctrine of
separate spheres. From the 17th century, the rise of capitalism, followed by
industrialization, was accompanied by the disruption of peasant communities and
the growth of a wage labor force in which working women participated, although
for lower wages than men. The colonialism that preceded and accompanied this
process wrenched West African women, like men, into enslavement in the
plantations of the Americas. The progress of industrialization and the
organization of labor discriminated against women who, increasingly, accepted
the goal of a male wage that could support entire families.
The struggle to achieve equal rights for
women is often thought to have begun, in the English-speaking world, with the
publication of Mary Wollstonecraft's VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN (1792).
Modern feminism, which was born with the great democratic revolutions of the 18th
century (American and French), differed from its precursors in applying the
democratic implications of "the rights of man and the citizen" to
women as a group. Abigail ADAMS asked her husband, John, to "remember the
ladies" in framing the Constitution.
During the 19th
century, as male suffrage was gradually extended in many countries, women
became more concerned with social reform and improvement of their own position
and increasingly active in the quest for their own suffrage. Not until 1893,
however, in New Zealand, did women achieve suffrage on the national level. Australia
followed in 1902, but American, British, and Canadian women did not win the
same rights until the end of World War I.
In Great Britain the cause began to attract attention
when the philosopher John Stuart Mill presented a petition in Parliament
calling for inclusion of women's suffrage in the Reform Bill of 1867. In the
same year Lydia Becker (1827-90) founded the first women's suffrage committee,
in Manchester. Other committees were quickly formed, and in 1897 they united as
the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, with Millicent Garret
Fawcett (1847-1929) as president.
Like their American counterparts, the British suffragists struggled to overcome traditional values and prejudices. A lot of politicians made a strict opposition against the suffragette, such as the minister Benjamin Disraeli, or the same Queen Victoria. Frustrated by the prevailing social and political stalemate, some women became more militant.
Emmeline
Pankhurst, assisted by her daughters Christabel and Sylvia, founded (1903) the
Women's Social and Political Union. Her followers, called
"suffragettes," heckled politicians, practiced civil disobedience,
and were frequently arrested for inciting riots. When World War I started, the
proponents of women's suffrage ceased their activities and supported the war
effort. In February 1918 women over the age of 30 received the right to vote.
Suffrage rights for men and women were equalized in 1928.
The demand for
the enfranchisement of American women was first seriously formulated at the
SENECA FALLS CONVENTION (1848). After the Civil War, agitation by women for the
ballot became increasingly vociferous. In 1869, however, a rift developed among
feminists over the proposed 15th Amendment, which gave the vote to black men.
Susan B. ANTHONY, Elizabeth Cady STANTON, and others refused to endorse the
amendment because it did not give women the ballot. Other suffragists, however,
including Lucy STONE and Julia Ward HOWE, argued that once the black man was
enfranchised, women would achieve their goal. As a result of the conflict two
organizations emerged. Stanton and Anthony formed the National Woman Suffrage
Association to work for suffrage on the federal level and to press for more
extensive institutional changes, such as the granting of property rights to
married women. Stone created the American Woman Suffrage Association, which
aimed to secure the ballot through state legislation. In 1890 the two groups
united under the name National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). In
the same year Wyoming entered the Union, becoming the first state with general
women's suffrage (which it had adopted as a territory in 1869).
As the pioneer
suffragists began to withdraw from the movement because of age, younger women
assumed leadership roles. One of the most politically astute was Carrie Chapman
CATT, who was named president of NAWSA in 1915. Another prominent suffragist
was Alice PAUL. Forced to resign from NAWSA because of her insistence on the
use of militant direct-action tactics, Paul organized the National Woman's
party, which used such strategies as mass marches and hunger strikes.
Perseverance on the part of both organizations eventually led to victory. On
Aug. 26, 1920, the 19TH AMENDMENT granted the ballot to American women.
Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries the women's movement primarily
reflected white middle-class values and never satisfactorily answered the
ex-slave Sojourner Truth's challenge:
"Ain't I a woman?" The goals of black and working-class women
remained inseparable from their racial and class oppression. The goals of middle-class women
centered on obtaining the opportunities available to the men of their own
class, such as education or reforming society as a whole. Thus some women sought to improve the
position of women through temperance, social reform, and protective legislation
for working women. After women won
the vote, the women's movement waned, and the first EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT
(ERA), introduced by Alice PAUL in 1923, failed to pass.
In the October of the 1912, Christabel Pankhurst
printed the first copy of “The
Suffragette”, the newspaper of the Women's Social and Political Union published to
replace “Votes for Women”
Many women viewed their growing public activities as
"social housekeeping" and argued that their interest in nursing,
social work, temperance, and even the vote was in keeping with true womanhood.
A decline in birthrate and infant mortality left more and more women with years
unencumbered by childbearing. Women fought for and won gradual improvement in
the property rights of married women, divorce, and child custody. By the 20th
century they began to claim full citizenship and control over their own
reproductive powers. By the time the new feminist wave broke in the 1960s,
women had gained individual rights and opportunities undreamed of by their
sisters in other ages and other parts of the world. Male dominance in the
household and the public sector still flourished, however. Women had gained
many of the uncertainties and responsibilities of individualism without equal
access to its benefits.
The women's movement did not reemerge until the 1960s,
when the example of the civil rights movement and the dissatisfactions of
college-educated women converged.
Betty Friedan and Gloria Steinem
Betty FRIEDAN's The Feminine
Mystique (1963) called national attention to women's plight. The founding (1965) of the NATIONAL
ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN provided a focus for the struggle for women's
rights. In 1973 the ERA was
reintroduced. Since the passage of
the Civil Rights Act of 1964, women have won the right to abortion and some
guarantees for equal opportunity and pay in employment. During the 1980s,
however, the ERA was defeated, the right to abortion came under attack, and
growing numbers of women were finding the ad hoc employment measures inadequate
to guarantee equality. The decline
in alimony and child support, combined with the rising divorce rate, made
women's rights to economic equality pressing. As Friedan's The Second Stage (1981) suggested, many
feminists were also interested in building a new kind of family life.
Despite
differences, most feminists seek equal economic rights; support reproductive
rights, including the right to abortion; criticize traditional definitions of
gender roles; and favor raising children of both genders for similar public
achievements and domestic responsibilities. Many wish to reform language so
that it does not equate man with humanity. Many also campaign vigorously
against violence against women (wife battering, rape) and against the
denigration of women in the media. In both hunting and foraging and early
settled agricultural societies, women contribute directly and indispensably to
subsistence, frequently controlling or collecting the essentials for survival.
Since World War
II the position of women around the globe has begun to change at an
accelerating rate. Women have gained most in politically progressive or
economically developed countries, but there is no single explanation for
women's gains, and in no country do women enjoy full political, legal,
economic, social, educational, and sexual equality with men. Throughout much of
the world, women are gradually emerging from centuries of subordination to men
and confinement to the family, but progress is uneven and has even suffered
reversals.
In highly
developed countries women normally account for 40%-50% of the labor force, but
in less developed countries with a large subsistence sector, they may
constitute less than 20%, and even less than 10% in some orthodox Muslim
countries. Most women remain concentrated in low-paying, low-status,
"female" jobs, especially primary and secondary school teaching,
service jobs, and some clerical and sales jobs. Throughout the world women
continue to earn less than men for comparable work and to be systematically
excluded from the best-paid and most-prestigious jobs. With rising male unemployment in recent
times, women's participation in the labor force has even declined in Japan,
Italy, Peru, and India. Perhaps as many as 40% of the world's farmers are
women, largely bound to a declining and ever less profitable subsistence
economy. Yet 38% of the world's
women are unpartnered: single,
widowed, or divorced, they support themselves and often others.
Women's near
exclusion from the highest incomes and most dynamic economic sectors is closely
related both to their formal political and legal rights and to the persistence
of traditional religious, cultural, and family values. Much of the world is subject to the
influence of three traditional legal systems: COMMON LAW, CIVIL LAW, and Sharia. Legislation that promotes sexual equality has not eradicated
their influence. American feminists have insisted that piecemeal reform,
including suffrage and the Civil Rights Act of 1964, does not provide the same
protection as would the comprehensive EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT.
Although women
generally have acquired the vote, they do not exercise political power in
proportion to their numbers. A few have attained the highest political office:
Indira GANDHI, Golda MEIR, Margaret THATCHER, and a few others. Most, however,
attained office because of their membership in ruling political families or
elites. Even in socialist countries, in which women are more heavily
represented in governing political bodies, they rarely reach such powerful
positions as membership in the politburo of the Communist parties.
Women have also
failed to gain until recently equal access to higher (especially technical)
education. Women's illiteracy has
declined dramatically in the past few decades, but only during the 1970s and
1980s have American women finally constituted 20% of those in professional
training--medicine, business, law.
In the Third World, where Westerners have shaped educational patterns,
it has normally been preferred to educate and train men, not women, for the
advanced economic and governmental sectors.
Development and
modernization have opened new possibilities and new roles for women around the
world but have also undermined women's traditional resources. In many
countries, defenders of traditional family, religious, and cultural values
vigorously oppose the liberation of women as one more manifestation of Western
domination. While the needs of women in different countries vary, increasing
numbers of women are recognizing their need to be full and equal members of society.