The Middle East Research and Information Project (MERIP) has published a
special primer on the ongoing Palestinian uprising, to provide historical
context for current events and offer answers for some recurring questions
about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. MERIP encourages distribution of the
primer for educational purposes. A fuller version of the primer, with
graphics and links to other useful information, is posted at the MERIP
website: http://www.merip.org. The primer will be updated periodically to
keep pace with events, and MERIP will continue to cover the uprising through
Press Information Notes. The winter issue of Middle East Report (MER 217)
will focus exclusively on the intifada and its likely regional impact. To
order individual copies or subscribe to Middle East Report, please call
Blackwell Publishers at 1-800-835-6770.
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MERIP Primer on the Uprising in Palestine
published October 28, 2000
INTRODUCTION
Not so long ago, US President Bill Clinton hosted Israeli Prime Minister
Ehud Barak and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat to discuss final
arrangements for peace in Palestine and Israel. In late October 2000, peace
seems very far away. Since September 28, 147 people--all but ten of them
Palestinians--have died, and thousands more Palestinians have been wounded,
as a popular uprising rages against the Israeli occupation of the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip. What is the history of the conflict over Palestine? Why
did Ariel Sharon's visit to a mosque in Jerusalem provoke Palestinian public
opinion? Is Israel right to blame Arafat for the numerous Palestinian deaths
and injuries? Can US mediation help to stop the violence? Does the US media
do a good job educating Americans about what's happening in Israel and
Palestine?
THE CONFLICT OVER PALESTINE
At the start of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire ruled much of the Arab
world, including the lands that now constitute Israel and the Occupied
Territories. With the Allied victory in World War I, the area came under the
control of the British who made contradictory promises to Arab and Zionist
leaders about how--and by whom--the Mandate of Palestine was to be governed.
At the time, 90 percent of the population was Arab; the Jewish community
included long-time residents and new immigrants fleeing persecution in
Russia and, later, other parts of Europe. A three-year uprising in the late
1930s against British rule and increased Jewish immigration resulted in a
British proposal to partition Palestine into Jewish and Arab states. UN
General Assembly Resolution 181 reaffirmed partition in 1947.
The war that followed led to the establishment of the State of Israel;
Israel, Egypt and Jordan each claimed sovereignty over parts of the
territory designated for a Palestinian state, displacing some 750,000
Palestinians. Less than 20 years later, in the June 1967 War, Israel gained
control of the rest of the former Mandate of Palestine (the Gaza Strip and
the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, which Israel annexed in 1980), the
Egyptian Sinai (since returned to Egypt), and the Syrian Golan Heights. UN
Security Council Resolution 242, never implemented, affirmed "the
inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war" and called upon
Israel to withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict." The
1970s and 1980s saw Arab-Israeli wars in 1973 and 1982, the 1978 Camp David
Accords between Israel and Egypt, the outbreak of the Palestinian intifada
in December 1987, and Yasser Arafat's condemnation of terrorism and
recognition of the state of Israel in December 1988.
The Madrid peace conference followed the Gulf war in October 1991. A year
later, secret Israeli-Palestinian talks began in Oslo, Norway, culminating
in the September 1993 Declaration of Principles (DoP) on interim Palestinian
self-government, signed by Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.
The DoP set out a process for transforming the nature of the Israeli
occupation but left numerous issues unresolved, including the status of
Jerusalem, the right of return for Palestinian refugees, the disposition of
Israeli settlements (whose expansion continues until today) and final
borders between Israel and a Palestinian state.
Under the DoP, Israel relinquished day-to-day authority over parts of the
Gaza Strip and West Bank to the Palestinian Authority, headed by Arafat who
returned to Gaza in 1994. However, ultimate power remained with Israel,
which exercised its control by frequently sealing off the
Palestinian-governed areas from the rest of the Occupied Territories and
from Israel. Subsequent agreements in 1995, 1998 and 1999 failed to resolve
these issues. With Palestinian-Israeli negotiations stalled, US President
Bill Clinton called a summit at Camp David in July 2000. After two weeks of
intensive negotiation, the talks ended without a deal. (For background, see
MERIP Press Information Note 26: "Camp David II:
http://www.merip.org/pins/pin26.html)
WHO IS ARIEL SHARON?
A retired army general, Ariel Sharon, 72, has been a major figure in Israeli
politics for decades. In 1971, he led a systematic campaign to quell
opposition in Gaza through massive repression, expulsions and arrests. He
was first elected to the Knesset in 1977 and, as defense minister in 1982,
he led the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. An Israeli tribunal found Sharon
indirectly responsible for the massacre (by Lebanese militias under Israeli
control) of thousands of Palestinian and Lebanese civilians living in the
Sabra and Shatila refugee camps. In the aftermath, he was removed as defense
minister but retained a role in the Cabinet as "minister without portfolio."
In the early 1990s, Sharon served as housing minister and promoted a massive
construction drive to increase Israeli settlement in the occupied West Bank
and Gaza Strip. In 1998, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu named Sharon
foreign minister. As current head of the Likud party, Sharon has
vociferously criticized Prime Minister Ehud Barak for negotiating with the
Palestinians. He maintains a residence in Jerusalem's Old City (draped in an
Israeli flag) and his provocative visit to al-Haram al-Sharif on Sept. 28,
and the harsh Israeli response to the protests that followed, helped ignite
the current uprising.
WHO CONTROLS THE PALESTINIAN STREET?
Since 1994, portions of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have been
administered by Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Authority (PA). The PA is not a
fully sovereign state like Israel or the United States, but it does provide
municipal services and attempts to maintain order in the areas under its
control. The PA's top ranks, including Arafat, mostly belong to Fatah, the
largest faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). But Fatah is
independent of the PA, and Arafat does not control the entire organization.
The current uprising in the Occupied Territories has pushed militant local
leaders of Fatah to the forefront, and Fatah units have coordinated much of
the street fighting.
Above all, the ongoing intifada expresses cumulative popular anger at both
the violence of the Israeli occupation and the compromises Arafat seems
willing to make on basic Palestinian national rights-such as the
establishment of a viable sovereign state, the right of return for
Palestinian refugees displaced in 1948 and 1967 and Palestinian sovereignty
in East Jerusalem. Fatah has, to a limited extent, been able to channel this
anger in street protests. When Ariel Sharon visited the Haram al-Sharif on
September 28, the ensuing Palestinian protests were spearheaded by Islamists
and students--the sectors of the population that are most militant in their
criticisms of the Oslo process, and among whom Fatah enjoys little
influence. Since the initial protests, Arafat's moves to contain the
violence have been unpopular on the Palestinian street. Huge crowds in the
West Bank and Gaza demonstrated against Arafat's presence at the October 17
Sharm al-Sheikh summit, and the failure of Arab leaders to agree on concrete
action against the Israeli occupation at the October 21-22 Cairo summit.
(For background, see MERIP Press Information Note 34: After the Sharm
al-Sheikh Summit: An Armed and Temporary Truce:
http://www.merip.org/pins/pin34.html)
The PA security forces whom Arafat does control directly have only rarely
intervened in armed clashes. Arafat does not control the armed Fatah cadres,
nor the stone-throwing students and youths who constitute a disproportionate
number of the dead and wounded. He could crack down on the uprising, but to
do so would strengthen the voices that describe the PA as a proxy police
force for the Israeli occupation, and endanger his status as leader of the
Palestinian cause.
THE "HONEST BROKER" AND THE UN
Since Israel's 1967 occupation of the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem,
there has been a nearly unanimous international consensus on how to resolve
the crisis: an international conference based on international law and
United Nations resolutions. But Israel disagreed, and the US backed Israel's
rejection.
After the Cold War, the US has often relied on the UN to negotiate
agreements and provide peacekeepers to end regional wars and crises: in
Cambodia, Angola and Guatemala and more recently in East Timor, Sierra Leone
and elsewhere.
But the US, while mentioning one or two UN resolutions in passing, kept
Israel-Palestine diplomacy under its own control. Washington--Israel's major
financial, diplomatic and military backer--claimed the role of the "honest
broker." The actual requirements of international law (like Israel's
obligations as an occupying power to protect civilians and to prohibit
settling Israeli citizens in occupied territory) and existing UN resolutions
(such as 194, ensuring the right of Palestinian refugees to return and
receive compensation) were sidelined in favor of US-brokered talks between
Israel, the strongest military power in the Middle East and the 17th
wealthiest country in the world, and the stateless Palestinians living under
occupation or in exile.
In the 1991 Madrid talks, the US-Israeli Memorandum of Understanding stated
explicitly that the UN would have no role. In the 1993 Oslo process, the UN
was ignored. In 1999 when over 100 signatories of the Geneva Conventions met
to assess Israeli compliance with the Conventions, the meeting lasted only
ten minutes in order to "avert friction" with Israel. The failed 2000 Camp
David summit ignored the UN altogether.
In October 2000, as Palestinians continued to die, Tel Aviv insisted that
any UN fact-finding commission would be nothing but a "kangaroo court," and
that it would accept only separate Israeli and Palestinian investigations
under overall US authority. When 14 out of 15 members of the UN Security
Council voted to condemn Israel's excessive force against civilians, it was
the US alone that abstained. US Ambassador Richard Holbrooke threatened to
veto any further resolution, stating that the virtually unanimous current
resolution had taken the UN "out of the running" to play a role in
negotiations.
The September-October 2000 occupation crisis ushered in an unprecedented,
albeit significantly limited, role for UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.
A special session of the UN's High Commission for Human Rights passed a
strong resolution condemning the "grave and massive violations of the human
rights of the Palestinian people by Israel," and establishing a "human
rights inquiry commission." An enormous US lobbying campaign resulted in
Washington's Western allies opposing the vote, and many non-aligned
countries abstaining. When the General Assembly convened, US diplomats again
went into high gear to dampen the language of the resolution. Only six
countries--the US, Israel and four Polynesian island states--voted no,
though nearly a third of the General Assembly abstained.
On October 25, the US House of Representatives voted 365-30 to call on
Arafat to stop the violence. Congressional leaders said the House felt
compelled to pass the resolution to counter the UN resolutions that are
"biased against Israel." The same day, the House passed a new foreign aid
bill. Israel will receive $2.82 billion in the next fiscal year--18.9
percent of the total and the largest aid amount of any country.
After almost a month of clashes, over 140 Palestinians and ten Israelis
dead, and a military occupation and siege tighter than ever, the best hope
for peace is a return to UN resolutions, international law and direct UN
involvement in Israeli-Palestinian diplomacy. Providing international
protection to Palestinians and putting Secretary-General Kofi Annan in
charge of negotiations instead of President Bill Clinton would certainly
raise at least a glimmer of such hope.
FIVE QUESTIONS THE US MEDIA SHOULD ASK ABOUT THE VIOLENCE IN THE MIDDLE
EAST, BUT DON'T
1. Why didn't Ehud Barak prevent Ariel Sharon from visiting the Haram
al-Sharif?
2. Why do news accounts refer to Palestinian citizens of Israel as "Israeli
Arabs," when they call themselves Palestinians?
3. What were the Israeli soldiers who were "lynched" on October 12 doing in
Palestinian-controlled Ramallah?
4. Do peoples under military occupation have a right to resist the
occupation?
5. Why should the US have a "special relationship" with Israel?