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What
matters here is to try to learn what the prostituted woman knows,
because
it is of immense value. It is true, and it has been hidden.
It
has been hidden for a political reason: to know it is to come closer
to
knowing how to undo the system of male dominance that is sitting on
top of all of us.
(Andrea
Dworkin, Prostitution and Male Supremacy, 1993)
There
is a selfish reason why we non-prostituted women need to understand
the experience of women in prostitution: because our worst nightmares
are their daily experiences, and because they understand so clearly
what misogyny in action feels like and looks like. As Autumn Burris,
founder of Survivors for Solutions, put it, “Prostitution is #MeToo
on steroids due to the hourly sexual harassment, rape, unwanted
advances/penetration and aggressive and violent behavior by white,
privileged men sexually commodifying our bodies.”
Speaking
about sexual abuse, a woman said,
It
just was way, way, way, way too much.
Each
time that I was taking it, again and again,
it
just felt like more of me diminishing, just getting
smaller
until it was just like a shell of a person.
When
I first read this account, I assumed I was reading a description of
prostitution. No. This account was an automobile factory worker in
Chicago describing what it was like when her boss abused her. Another
woman described her response to sexual abuse at the Ford factory,
“No person should have to endure that. You have to force yourself
into a place of not feeling anything, of not having any emotion, to
exist” (Chira & Einhorn, 2017). These descriptions of what it
feels like to be sexually harassed on the job are identical to women's
descriptions of what prostitution is like: “It is internally
damaging," said a survivor of strip club prostitution, "You
become in your own mind what these people do and say with you. You
wonder how could you let yourself do this and why do these people want
to do this to you?” Another prostituted woman explained: "They
stare at you with this starving hunger. It sucks you dry; you become
this empty shell. They’re not really looking at you; you’re not
you. You’re not even there" (Farley, 2003).
The
#MeToo groundswell of women who are challenging everyday sexual
predation by men is consciousness-raising and courageous activism that
will hopefully benefit all women. Men's money and power coerce women's
submission to sexual harassment both in and out of prostitution, in
Hollywood, in Silicon Valley, in Ford auto factories, in the
California and Massachusetts and U.S. Senates, in domestic service,
and everywhere else on the planet. But does this wonderfully expanding
big-as-the-skysized basket of women's voices include women in
prostitution? Is their "me too" welcomed? Is the
prostitution of women in pornography included in #MeToo?
Sex
trade survivors' voices are essential to a discussion of sexual
harassment, rape, and male supremacy because their experiences are
that of tolerating sexual harassment and rape and verbal abuse in
exchange for money or goods or something else of value. Sometimes the
"something of value" that is exchanged for sex acts is food
or shelter or medical care. But when the "something of value"
is career advancement - it's still prostitution. The supremacist logic
of the man who has more power than a woman, whether he is her boss,
doctor, lawyer, teacher, president - is the same as the sex buyer:
"I pay you so I own you so I can do anything I want to you."
Career advancement in exchange for sex acts is a form of prostitution
since it is the exchange of something of value for sex acts.
Prostitution as an element of career advancement is usually named
sexual exploitation but not prostitution.
Sexual
harassment is what prostitution is. If you remove the sexual
harassment, there is no prostitution. If you remove unwanted sex acts,
there is no prostitution. If you eliminate paid rape, there is no
prostitution. Evelina Giobbe, founder of WHISPER (Women Hurt in
Systems of Prostitution Engaged in Revolt), said, "Prostitution
sets the parameters for what you can do to a woman. It is the model
for women's condition." Wherever there is sexual harassment, a
certain group of women is split off from other women. "Prostitution
is set apart from everything that people are me-tooing about,"
said Giobbe. "People would not be appalled if Harvey Weinstein or
Bill Cosby or Woody Allen did what they did to prostituted women."
Why is that? A special caste of prostituted women is created to
guarantee men unconditional sexual access to women (Giobbe,
1990).
Men
in the highest government offices—men like Donald Trump and Clarence
Thomas - deny their predatory and chronic sexual harassment as locker
room talk, as boys being boys, as just the
way things are. Their behavior can't be distinguished from the
behavior of predatory sex buyers, except that sex buyers pay to
sexually harass and rape. "Weinstein and Trump are no different
from everyday johns," said Vednita Carter, founder of Breaking
Free in Minneapolis. "They rape women because they can, telling
themselves she wanted it or liked it." The narcissistic delusion
that sexual harassment and prostitution are her "free choice,"
or that "it was consensual" is the ideology that keeps
prostitution - and the subordination and silencing of women - running
smoothly.
Prostituted
women have the highest rate of rape of any women on the planet. Sex
buyers' behaviors are a model for sexual harassment and sexual
predation. The pre-rape cues described by psychologists as warning
signs for rape are precisely those behaviors exhibited by men who buy
sex: an attitude of sexual entitlement, unwanted touching, persistence,
and social isolation (Senn, Eliasziw, Barata, Thurston, Newby-Clark,
Radtke, and Hobden, 2015).
"Everything
the women are describing in #MeToo are common everyday experiences of
women in prostitution. Women in prostitution are seen as a legitimate
target for men's violence, that we somehow deserve what we get,"
said Alisa Bernhard, who works at Organization for Prostitution
Survivors in Seattle. In prostitution, women are defined as rentable
sex organs, as unrapeable, less than human, as having no feelings.
"What others see as rape, we see as normal," a woman
prostituting in Vancouver explained (Farley, Lynne, and Cotton,
2005).
What
men do to women in prostitution is not challenged as illegal. In some
places, it's even defined as "work" for those who have no
other survival options. I can barely imagine the pain of having the
world see sexual abuse as your job. Yet that is the burden that is
shoved onto women in prostitution. Bernhard observed that "prostitution
is the definition of a hostile work environment." Challenging
denial about sexual exploitation, Giobbe asked, "Why would you be
surprised that men who can help with your economic advancement would
demand sexual favors or rape you? That's what men do with women who
they pay for."
Pornography
is filmed documentation of prostitution; it's prostitution with a
camera in the room. In a creative response to the question, can
pornography plots be distinguished from accounts of sexual assault?
Dutch filmmakers asked men if stories they read were from pornography
plots or #MeToo accounts. The men couldn't tell the difference (Vaglanos,
2017). Pornography has defined what women are, and as a result, the
line which was presumed to exist between prostitution and
non-prostitution has been removed. #MeToo is an example of that
disappeared line.
The
#MeToo movement is expanding to include women who are not white
middle-class movie stars. There are attempts to include incarcerated
women (Law, 2017), women who work in factories (Chira & Einborn,
2017), domestic workers (Bapat, 2017), and women veterans (Stahl,
2018). The racist sexual harassment of Black, Latina, Native, and
Asian women—in and out of prostitution—is critically important to
#MeToo. Anita Hill, a Black lawyer, publicly exposed one man's pattern
of sexual harassment and as a result, a social movement to expose
sexual harassment began. In 1991, Hill was surrounded and interrogated
by white men who were dedicated to supporting a sexually predatory
candidate for the Supreme Court. Putting Hill on trial instead of
Clarence Thomas, the politicians refused to permit supporting
witnesses to testify publicly on Hill's behalf (Shin and Casey, 2017).
In 2006, Tarana Burke, a Black woman, founded #MeToo (Jeffries, 2018).
Jackie
Lynne, Co-Founder, Indigenous Women Against the Sex Industry (IWASI),
in Vancouver, spoke about #MeToo and prostitution:
The
White House and Hollywood—bastions of male power/privilege—
are
predatory hunting grounds where every woman is 'ripe for the taking'—
where
no woman is safe. The denial of harms, both of sexual harassment
and
of
prostitution, are big lies mostly told by rich white men. These lies
have been told
for
centuries and are now entrenched as social truths.
How
can we listen to the truth about prostitution and male domination? How
do we counter the lies that Jackie Lynne speaks of? Kathleen Barry
(1979), Margaret Baldwin (1992), and Judith Herman (2003) have written
eloquently about the emotional pain of witnessing prostitution. Many
people shut down emotionally or turn away from the brutal reality. Can
we stand to hear the #MeToo of prostituted women? Or will we avoid
using the word prostitution (as is the case with some antitrafficking
organizations) thereby disappearing the prostitution as "trafficking"
or "sex work"? Will we include prostituted women under the #MeToo
umbrella as sisters who are both victims of male violence and
survivors of it? Just like the rest of us.
Any
vestige of sex hierarchy, any, will mean that some women somewhere
are
being prostituted. If you look around you and you see male supremacy,
you
know that somewhere where you cannot see, a woman is being prostituted,
because
every hierarchy needs a bottom and prostitution is the bottom of male
dominance.
(Andrea
Dworkin, Prostitution and Male Supremacy, 1993)
REFERENCES
Baldwin,
Margaret (1992) Split at the Root: Prostitution and Feminist
Discourses of Law Reform. Yale Journal of Law & Feminism, 5(1).
Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/yjlf/vol5/iss1/3
Bapat,
Sheila (2017) Domestic Workers Face Rampant Harassment on the Job,
With Little Protection. Truthout November 27, 2017. Retrieved from http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/42714-domestic-workers-facerampant-harassment-on-the-job-with-little-protection
Barry,
Kathleen (1979) Female Sexual Slavery. New York, NYU Press.
Chira, Susan and Catrin Einhorn (2017) How Tough Is It to Change a
Culture of Harassment? Ask the Women at Ford. New York Times. December
19, 2017. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/12/19/us/fordchicago-sexual-harassment.html
Dworkin,
Andrea. (1993) Prostitution and Male Supremacy. Michigan Journal of
Gender & Law 1, 1-12. Available at
http://www.prostitutionresearch.com/Dworkin%20-
%20Prostitution%20and%20Male%20Supremacy.pdf
Farley,
Melissa (2003) Prostitution and the Invisibility of Harm. Women &
Therapy 26 (3/4), 247-280. https://doi.org/10.1300/j015v26n03_06.
Farley,
Melissa, Jacqueline Lynne, & Ann Cotton (2005) Prostitution in
Vancouver: Violence and the Colonization of First Nations Women.
Transcultural Psychiatry 42, 242-271. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363461505052667.
Giobbe,
Evelina (1990) Confronting the Liberal Lies about Prostitution. In
Dorchen Leidholdt and Janice G. Raymond, The Sexual Liberals and the
Attack on Feminism (editors) New York: Teachers' College Press
Herman,
Judith (2004) Invisible in Plain Sight, Clinical Observations on
Prostitution. Journal of Trauma Practice 2, 1-13. https://doi.org/10.1300/J189v02n03_01
Jeffries,
Zenobia (2018) Me Too Creator Tarana Burke Reminds Us This Is About
Black and Brown Survivors. Yes! Magazine. January 4, 2018. Retrieved
from http://www.yesmagazine.org/people-power/me-too-creator-tarana-burkereminds-us-this-is-about-black-and-brown-survivors-20180104
Law,
Victoria (2017) Does Our Belief in Women's Stories of Sexual Violence
Extend to Survivors Behind Bars? Truthout December 03, 2017. Retrieved
from http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/42760-does-our-belief-in-women-sstories-of-sexual-violence-extend-to-survivors-behind-bars
Senn,
Charlene Y., Eliasziw, Misha, Barata, Pala C., Thurston, Wilfreda E.,
Newby-Clark, Ian R., Radtke, H. Lorraine, Hobden, Karen L. (2015)
Efficacy of a Sexual Assault Resistance Program for University Women.
New England Journal of Medicine 372: 2326-2335. https://doi.org/10.1056/nejmc1509345
Shin,
Annys and Casey, Libby (2017) Anita Hill and her 1991 congressional
defenders to Joe Biden: You were part of the problem. Washington Post,
November 22, 2017. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/magazine/anita-hilland-her-1991-congressional-defenders-to-joe-biden-you-were-part-of-theproblem/2017/11/21/2303ba8a-ce69-11e7-a1a3-
0d1e45a6de3d_story.html?utm_term=.da55d891bcf4
Stahl,
Aviva (2018) Vets demonstrate in #MeTooMilitary protest; DoD expresses
support. Women's Media Center. January 8, 2018. Retrieved from http://www.womensmediacenter.com/news-features/vets-demonstrate-inmetoomilitary-protest-dod-expresses-support
Vaglanos,
Alanna (2017) Men Try To Guess if These Situations are Porn or #MeToo
Stories. Huffington Post. December 20, 2017. Retrieved from https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/men-try-to-guess-if-these-situationsare-porn-or-metoo-stories_us_5a3ac4bee4b06d1621b17351
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