
Number
27, XIV, December 2016 -
January
2017 "Psychoanalysis and Infant
Research"
Frenis
Zero
Publisher
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THE PARENT-INFANT DYAD
AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE SUBJECTIVE SELF
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by Peter
Fonagy 1, George Gergely 2, Mary Target 3 click here to
read this article in Italian
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1 Freud Memorial Professor of Psychoanalysis,
University College London, Chief Executive, The Anna Freud Centre,
London 2 Institute for Psychological Research, Budapest,
Hungarian Academy of Sciences & The Anna Freud Centre, London
3 Reader in Psychoanalysis, University College
London Professional Director, The Anna Freud Centre, London

Abstract
in English:
Developmental
psychology and psychopathology has in the past been more concerned
with the quality of self-representation than with the development of
the subjective agency which underpins our experience of feeling,
thought and action, a key function of mentalization. This review
begins by contrasting a Cartesian view of pre-wired introspective
subjectivity with a constructionist model based on the assumption of
an innate contingency detector which orients the infant towards
aspects of the social world that react congruently and in a
specifically cued informative manner that expresses and facilitates
the assimilation of cultural knowledge. Research on the neural
mechanisms associated with mentalization and social influences on
its development are reviewed. It is suggested that the infant
focuses on the attachment figure as a source of reliable information
about the world. The construction of the sense of a subjective self
is then an aspect of acquiring knowledge about the world through the
caregiver’s pedagogical communicative displays which in this
context focuses on the child’s thoughts and feelings. We argue
that a number of possible mechanisms, including complementary
activation of attachment and mentalization, the disruptive effect of
maltreatment on parent-child communication, the biobehavioural
overlap of cues for learning and cues for attachment, may have a
role in ensuring that the quality of relationship with the caregiver
influences the development of the child’s experience of thoughts
and feelings.
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INTRODUCTION
The ability to give subjective
meaning to psychological experiences becomes possible as a result of
our developing ability for explicit and reflective understanding that
others’ (as well as our own) actions are driven by underlying mental
states and the establishment of adaptive mentalizing strategies to
reason about interactive experiences in terms of such mental states.
This review aims to examine evidence and theory that pertains to the
relevance of the parent-infant relationship for the emergence of
mentalizing. We shall explore if the establishment of the
representational and attentional preconditions for such a reflective
mentalizing capacity develops optimally in a relatively safe and
secure social context and if so, how we might understand this. We will
commence our review with considering models that potentially entail a
Cartesian view of the nature of subjectivity and overview evidence
concerning brain structures known to be recruited by mentalisation. We
will consider, on the basis of evolutionary speculation and recent
neuroimaging data, why we might consider mentalization and the social
context provided by parent-infant relations to be linked. We will also
consider in some detail if the literature on the social influences on
mentalisation might give us ground for assuming that the parent-child
relationship contributes to the ‘construction’ of the
psychological self. Finally, we will consider the implications of a
recently advanced model for the intergenerational transfer of cultural
knowledge, pedagogy theory, for the unfolding of social cognitive
competences.
In the 1980s developmental
psychology began to investigate when we become able to understand that
people can have false beliefs about the world (Perner & Lang,
2000; Wellman, 1990; Wellman & Liu, 2004). A number of researchers
consider the resulting construct of theory of mind and its false
belief paradigm to be too narrow (Carpendale & Lewis, 2006) as it
fails to encapsulate the relational and affect regulative aspects of
interpreting behaviour in mental state terms. Developmentalists have
also started to use the term ‘mentalizing’ as an alternative,
because it is not limited either to specific tasks or particular age
groups (Morton & Frith, 1995; O'Connor & Hirsch, 1999).
We define mentalization following
a tradition in philosophy of mind established by Brentano (1973/1874),
Dennett (1978) and others as a form of mostly preconscious imaginative
mental activity, namely, perceiving and interpreting human behaviour
in terms of intentional mental states (e.g. needs, desires, feelings,
beliefs, goals, and reasons). It is imaginative because we have to
imagine what other people might be thinking or feeling – an
important indicator of high quality of mentalisation is the awareness
that we cannot know what is in someone else’s mind (for a discussion
of the definition of the concept see Allen, 2006). We would even
suggest that a similar kind of imaginative leap is required to
understand one’s own mental experience, particularly in relation to
emotionally charged issues and certainly some neural networks
subserving judgments of intentionality in self and other appear to
overlap (den Ouden, Frith, Frith, & Blakemore, 2005; Frith &
Frith, 2003). In order to be able to adopt this stance (consciously or
unconsciously), to have and conceive of others as having a "mind",
the individual needs a symbolic representational system for mental
states and also needs to be able to selectively activate states of
mind in line with particular intentions (attentional control, Leslie,
2000).
Thus mentalisation entails at
least three key overlapping functions: (1) an intuitive ‘theory’
of action that we might term ‘mentalism’ that compels us to
interpret (human) actions as
caused by intentional mental states (beliefs, desires, wishes); (2) a
representation of others’ minds that enables humans to infer,
attribute and represent the intentional mental states of others – a
capacity that can clearly extend to generate representations of one’s
own mind; (3) a capacity to predict, explain, and justify the actions
of others by inferring the intentional mental states that cause them.
If we are to predict and justify each others’ actions we have to
understand that we have separate minds that (often) contain different
mental models of reality but that it is this internal reality rather
than the external one that causes our actions. To do this we have to
be able to infer and represent both the mental models of the other’s
mind and the mental models of our own mind.
If they are to
achieve this children need to acquire a complex set of cognitive
capacities: (1) to represent causal mental states of others with
counterfactual contents (false beliefs), (2) to represent causal
mental states of others with fictional contents (pretense, imagination,
fantasy), (3) to simultaneously represent and differentiate between
the mental models of the self and of the other about reality, (4) to
infer and attribute the mental states of others from visible
behavioural cues as mind states are invisible, and we have to rely on
cues such as gaze-direction, emotion expressions, gestures, verbal and
non-verbal communicative signals, non-communicative behavioural
correlates and signs, (5) to detect our own perceptible (behavioural,
physiological, emotional, arousal, etc.) cues in order to infer,
interpret, and attribute mental states to our self. This is in our
view a substantive question as we shall try to show that the causal
mental states of the Self - contrary to Cartesian doctrine - are also
invisible to introspection. To put it simply: the mind of the self is
not transparent to itself.
The
Cartesian view of the nature of the subjective sense of self
It is a commonly
expressed reproach (e.g. Dennett, 1991) that the question of the
developmental and social-environmental origins of our subjective sense
of affective states has all too often been answered using the
Cartesian assumption of a universal, shared subjectivity across
individuals and through development. This Cartesian view assumes an
innate, prewired organization of our mind that ensures ‘primary
introspective access’ to our internal mental states providing us
with ‘first person authority’ over the contents of our private
subjective mental life (for a critical discussion of this general view,
see Carpendale & Lewis, 2006; Fonagy, Gergely, Jurist, &
Target, 2002; Gergely, 2002; Gopnik, 1993; Wegner & Wheatley,
1999).
Simulation and
the mirror neuron system
The Cartesian approach is often
coupled (in so-called ’simulationist’ models of mind-reading, e.g.
Gallese & Goldman, 1998; 2004; Goldman, 1993; Goldman &
Sripada, 2005; Gordon, 1995; Harris, 1991; 1992) with the idea that
the way we come to understand (or, in a sense, to internally directly
’perceive’) other people’s
subjective mental states is by (automatically) ‘putting ourselves in
their shoes’ using (in our imagination) our self as a mental model
of the other (for a fuller exposition see Saxe, Carey, & Kanwisher,
2004). Through this process of internally ‘simulating’ the other
person’s goals and particular situation one comes to infer and
represent the other’s mental states as well as anticipating the
actions these intentional mind states are likely to cause. This
involves mentally inducing the internal subjective states of the other
in ourselves by imitation, imagination, identification, or lately,
through ’neuronal resonance’ evoked by the automatic activation of
our brain’s ’mirror neuron system’ during the observation of the
other person’s behavior (Gallese et al., 2004).
Recent work on the mirror neurone
system (Gallese et al., 2004; Rizzolatti & Craighero, 2004)
suggests that the fundamental mechanism that allows us to understand
the actions and emotions of others involves the activation of the
mirror neurone system for actions and the activation of viscero-motor
centres for the understanding of affect. The claim is made on the
basis of the observation that the motor neurones, originally found in
the ventral premotor cortex of the macaque monkey respond both when
the monkey performs a particular goal-directed act and when it
observes another individual performing a similar action (Gallese,
Fadiga, Fogassi, & Rizzolatti, 1996). Action observation causes
the automatic activation of the same neural mechanism triggered by
action execution or even by the sound produced by the same action (Kohler
et al., 2002). There is evidence that the mirror neuron system, both
in monkeys (Ferrari, Gallese, Rizzolatti, & Fogassi, 2003) and
humans (Rizzolatti & Craighero, 2004), also encompasses
communicative actions. In an fMRI study, participants observed
communicative mouth actions in humans, monkeys, and dogs which led to
the activation of different cortical foci with actions belonging to
the motor repertoire of the observer’s species (e.g. biting and
speech reading) being mapped on the observer’s motor system (Buccino
et al., 2004). Since the discovery of mirror neurons, a number of
similar experiments (Calmels et al., 2006; Gazzola, Aziz-Zadeh, &
Keysers, 2006; Lotze et al., 2006; Molnar-Szakacs, Kaplan, Greenfield,
& Iacoboni, 2006) as well as indirectly connected studies for
example on facial mimicry (Sato & Yoshikawa, 2006), gender
differences (Cheng, Tzeng, Decety, Imada, & Hsieh, 2006), and
autism (Dapretto et al., 2006; Williams, Waiter et al., 2006) have
been interpreted as implying that we understand the actions, emotions
and sensations of others from the perspective of sharing their actions
(Keysers & Gazzola, 2006; Rizzolatti, Ferrari, Rozzi, &
Fogassi, 2006). It is suggested that a single mechanism (shared
circuits) applies to witnessing the actions, sensations and emotions
of other individuals and to performing the same actions. Similarly,
feeling the same sensations and emotions and translating the vision
and sound of what other people do and feel into the language of the
observer’s own actions and feelings provides intuitive insights into
their inner life. The thesis of embodied semantics holds that
conceptual representations accessed during linguistic processing are,
in part, equivalent to the sensory-motor representations required for
the enactment of the concepts described (Aziz-Zadeh, Wilson,
Rizzolatti, & Iacoboni, 2006).
This suggests a dichotomy between
an immediate direct, motor-mediated type of action understanding, and
a more cognitive type based on the interpretation of visual
representations. This is thought to be also true for emotion
understanding and we might conceive of a two-level system underpinning
mentalisation with a (frontal) cortical system that invokes
declarative representations and a mirror neurone system sub-serving a
more immediate direct understanding of the other. In the anterior
insula, visual information concerning the emotions of others is
directly mapped onto the same viscero-motor neural structures that
determine the experience of that emotion in the observer (Wicker et
al., 2003). This direct mapping can occur even when the emotion of
others can only be imagined (Singer et al., 2004) or inferred from
visual stimuli (Jackson, Meltzoff, & Decety, 2005). Gallese,
Goldman and others hypothesize a shared sub-personal neural mapping
between what is acted and what is perceived that can be used to
predict the actions of others (Gallese, 2003, 2006; Goldman &
Sripada, 2005; Saarela et al., 2006). This automatically established
link between agent and observer may not be the only way to understand
the emotions of others, but the simulation of actions by means of the
activation of parietal and premotor cortical networks may constitute a
basic level of experiential understanding that does not entail the
explicit use of any theory or declarative representation.
Once such a
mental model has been set up, all one has to do is to introspectively
access its contents and ‘read off’ from this ‘off-line
self-simulation of the other’ what the other must be feeling,
intending, or believing in the given situation. In other words, by
accessing the thoughts and feelings that one would have in the other’s
- internally represented - situation, one can attribute (by analogy)
these simulated subjective states to the other person’s mind. The
central assumption of this simulationist account of understanding
other minds is that the basic set of subjective mental states of
different individuals are identical and ‘interchangeable’ and that
similar situations generate the same causal mental states and
consequent action-tendencies in all of us. However, it has been
pointed out that the models do not take full account of the
computational burdens on the system that they clearly imply (Oztop,
Kawato, & Arbib, 2006).
The direct
matching account of understanding others’ actions in terms of goals
and intentions by mapping them directly onto one’s corresponding
motor actions through the mirror neuron system has been criticized on
a number of other grounds as well. Csibra (in press) reviewed evidence
showing that brain areas that are not part of the mirror neuron system
(and have no motor properties, such as the superior temporal sulcus -
STS) are routinely activated during action observation and seem to
play a crucial role in assigning goals to actions. In this view, the
premotor action representations of the mirror neuron system are
activated in a top-down fashion by such previously assigned goal
representations (rather than through ‘direct matching’) and play a
predictive (rather than a recognitive) role by anticipating (and
monitoring) the other’s action to achieve the goal through
simulation. There is developmental evidence from human infants showing
that infants as young as 6 months of age can understand and anticipate
goal-directed actions of others even when they are performed by
unfamiliar, inanimate, or abstract (animated) agents (e.g Csibra,
Gergely, Bíró, Koós, & Brockbank, 1999; Kamerawi, Kato, Kanda,
Ishiguro, & Hiraki, 2005; Luo & Baillargeon, 2005; Wagner
& Carey, 2005) or by computer-generated simulations of human hands
performing biomechanically impossible actions (that, nevertheless,
involve an efficient goal approach, see Gergely & Csibra, 2003).
These findings
cannot be easily accommodated by the mirror neuron account as such
observed actions cannot be directly mapped onto the self’s own
existing motor action representations (as there are no corresponding
action schemes in the infant observer’s motor repertoire). In a
recent fMRI study in which adults were viewing a person performing (non-rational
vs. rational) goal-directed actions (such as someone pushing an
elevator button with her knee while her hands were either free or
occupied, Brass et al., 2007) reported a specific increase in the case
of non-rational goal-approach (the hands-free condition) in the
activation of brain areas (such as the superior temporal sulcus (STS),
the temporo-parietal junction (TPJ) and the anterior fronto-median
cortex) that have no mirror properties and that are typically involved
in mentalization and belief attribution tasks (Ferstl & von Cramon,
2002; Fletcher et al., 1995; Gallagher et al., 2000; Goel, Grafman,
Sadato, & Hallett, 1995; Grezes, Frith, & Passingham, 2004;
Saxe & Kanwisher, 2003; Saxe & Wexler, 2005; Vogeley et al.,
2001). These findings support the view that action understanding in
terms of reasons is primarily mediated by functional brain mechanisms
other than those involved in motor simulation through direct neuronal
‘resonance’. In short, according to these criticisms, while the
mirror neuron system may provide an important simulation-based
predictive mechanism for the anticipation and monitoring of others’
observed actions, the more radical claim of standard mirror neuron
accounts that understanding the intentions or goals of others’
actions is solely accomplished by the direct matching of observed
actions onto one’s own corresponding motor schemes seems untenable.
The mirror
systems view also has strong implications for the self-other
distinction. If understanding of others’ actions and emotions is
directly mediated by shared representations that are equally activated
by the self’s or the other’s behaviours, then it becomes hard to
explain why we do not confuse others with ourselves and how we manage
to attribute actions to either ourselves or to other agents. Recently,
Schütz-Bosbach, Mancini, Aglioti, & Haggard (Schutz-Bosbach,
Mancini, Aglioti, & Haggard, 2006) investigated this problem by an
ingenious method (the so-called "rubber hand illusion")
through manipulating experimentally – by induced contingency
experience – whether the brain attributed the same observed action
to the self versus to another agent. The study demonstrates that while
the same actions attributed to another person facilitated the observer’s
action system, when it was attributed to the self the observer’s
action system was suppressed rather than facilitated. The authors
conclude that contrary to the radical "shared representation"
model of self-other understanding, "the motor system….includes
representations of other agents as qualitatively different from the
self." (p. 1834).
(end
of part 1 - the whole paper is to be published inside a next
Frenis Zero publisher's book)
|
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Bibliografia
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