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Psychoanalysis,
considered as a form of life, is not oriented toward a cure. Rather,
Freud’s remarks in “Terminal and Interminable Analysis” suggest
that he anticipates his own self-analysis as coterminous with the rest
of his life (Freud [1937] 1950). His reflections express his
evaluative oscillation between the medical teleology of a
psychoanalytic cure and the existential trajectory of an unending
analysis (LeupoldLoewenthal 1988). His cases describe both finite and
unending analysis, and presuppose certain psychic processes that
constitute psychotherapeutic change.
Memory
reconsolidation is one such process identified by neurocognitive
research that may be constitutive of psychotherapeutic change. I argue
that although memory reconsolidation is not the only constitutive
process, it is an ordinary phenomenon in everyday subjective
experience and it is implicit in the psychoanalytic iterations of
Freud’s term Nachträglichkeit, literally meaning “a belated
coming to terms with early experiences.” The post-Freudian
psychoanalytic accounts of Nachträglichkeit have generated
many debates regarding this term’s appropriate translation, the
coherence of its assumptions about bidirectional psychic operations
and its implications for the psychotherapeutic process. Some
psychoanalytic theorists argue that memory reconsolidation
corroborates Nachträglichkeit. I find that Freud gave an early
account of the neurocognitive structure of Nachträglichkeit in his
Project for a Scientific Psychology although he did not want to
publish this account in his lifetime (Freud [1895] 1950).
My
view is that the concept of memory reconsolidation resolves the
debates regarding the nature of bidirectional psychic activity that
some psychoanalysts believe to be implied by Nachträglichkeit. It is
an explanatory framework that was implicit in Freud’s Project. His
early account describes the memory-motive structure, which is a phrase
coined, as we shall see, by neuroscientists Pribram and Gill in their
exegesis of Freud’s Project. I propose that the memory-motive
structure, with the integration of current brain science, successfully
resolves the putative problem of bidirectional psychic causality and
need not resolve the matter of translation. Rather, a new term or
perhaps more than one should replace these translations, in order to
denote the experimentally corroborated neurocognitive mechanisms at
play in psychotherapeutic change. One such mechanism is the
memory-motive structure. Replacement of psychoanalytic debates over
the sense of Nachträglichkeit leads to more coherence in the
psychotherapeutic assumptions and neurocognitive findings regarding
the operations of memory.
Memory
Reconsolidation
Experimental
neurocognitive research has demonstrated a process called memory
reconsolidation. Explanations of memory reconsolidation imply that a
newly acquired memory is not an addition to the series of memories
related to this memory but is reconstructive. The new is incorporated
into the antecedent, which is restructured in total, resulting in a
unique mnemonic inscription. Neurocognitive distinctions and
connections between procedural, implicit memory and declarative,
retrievable memory illustrate a mnemonic network stimulated during
this reconstructive activity (Squire & Kandel 2009; Paller 2000).
The idea of memory reconsolidation captures the experimental finding
that a new human experience can, under certain conditions, change the
meaning of a previous experience and integrate the new experience into
its structure, thus changing the remembered experience as a whole.
Memory
reconsolidation is accepted by brain science research as key to
fundamental research into the biology of long-term memory (Hall 2013).
The neurological foundation of memory in general depends on chains of
neurochemical, synaptic interactions. Neurons’ branching dendrites
receive signals from other nerve cells and send information
across the synapses to the next cells. Brain science demonstrates that
there is no single thing called memory, rather types of memory
achieving different biological purposes using different neural
pathways. By 2000, the neurological process of reconsolidation was
demonstrated by Nobel-prize winning neuroscientist Eric Kandel. Kandel
proved that synaptic networks sprout new branches as we learn, based
on the type and activation of chemical neurotransmitters passing
between neurons (Kandel 2007).
Memory
consolidation refers to a category of biochemical and synaptic
processes that stabilize a memory trace or synaptic signature after
its initial acquisition. Consolidation differentiates into at least
three specific processes: synaptic consolidation, which occurs within
the first few hours after learning, and system consolidation, where
hippocampusdependent memories become independent of the hippocampus,
during a series of retrievals over a period of weeks to years (Paller
2009). The third process, reconsolidation, is key to the mutability of
memory retrieval. In reconsolidation, memories are mutable by
reactivation of the memory trace under experiential and biochemical
conditions that differ from the memory trace’s prior activations.
Reconsolidation is corroborated by drug-free non-invasive behavioral
human experiments.
Daniella
Schiller, director of the Schiller Laboratory of Affective
Neuroscience at Mt. Sinai School of Medicine, conducts this
non-invasive behavioral research on human subjects, using behavioral
interventions into the subjects’ memory reconsolidation process. She
conducted human behavior modification experiments on sixty-five
people, training them to fear, by electroshock, a series of virtual
colored blocks that were visually floated before them. Then, the
groups experienced behavioral modification interventions designed to
erase their fear response (Schiller, Monfils, Raio, Johnson and LeDoux
2009). The subjects were divided into three groups. The first group
experienced a version of exposure therapy that is common in clinical
treatments of anxiety disorders. They repeatedly saw the virtual
blocks with no shock. Eventually they lost their fear. The second
group was shown the virtual blocks once again, several hours after the
shock, but with no shock. Their responses remained fearful. The third
group saw the blocks again, without shock, within ten minutes of the
fearful shock experience. Within this drastically narrowed time frame
of re-exposure, this group experienced erasure of fear associated with
seeing the blocks. This group’s recovery from fear is explained as
the result of a behavioral intervention into the synaptic signatures
or memory traces activated during the reconsolidation process.
Schiller’s behavior modification experiments dovetail with
neuroscientist Karim Nadar’s earlier experiments that effected
consolidation as well as reconsolidation, showing the protein
synthesis involved in memory retrieval. There is a biochemical
rewriting of the synaptic signature for each recall. Behavioral
intervention into this narrow window of memory retrieval can
change the biochemical update of its synaptic signature (Nadar 2003).
Schiller’s study and its findings have been replicated many times
over, confirming her results (Specter 2014).
Physiological
data gathered in experimental studies of memory retrieval by the use
of functional imaging technology, pharmacological facilitation of
memory retrieval, positron emission tomography (PET) and magnetic
resonance imaging (MRI) has led to strong neurobiological evidence for
reconsolidation of memories after their reactivation. The evidence
suggests that new memories are formed on the background of retrieval
of past experience. It is memory of the past that organizes and
provides meaning to the present perceptual experience. Memories such
as those associated with post-traumatic stress are primed by the
release of neurotransmitters on the occasion of the emotionally
significant remembered event.
Neuroscientist
S.J. Sara verifies the prevailing view that memory operations are
widely distributed in the brain, and that specific information is
stored in sensory cortices (Sara 2000). Activation of the brainstem
neuromodulatory systems, through conditioned arousal response to the
context, plays an essential role in both retrieval and reconsolidation.
Release of neuromodulators facilitate attention and sensory processing
of incoming information during retrieval, triggering intracellular
processes upon which stable long-term memory is dependent and
promoting reconsolidation of newly reorganized memory. Retrieval must
involve initial activation of relevant or selected intrinsic networks
and extrinsic stimuli, with integration of these different sources of
information into meaningful traces. The initial process must involve
some orientation of attention to a particular stimulus or ensemble of
stimuli.
Sara
remarks that “how those particular stimuli recognized as
‘meaningful’ or how they can activate the specific distributed
networks presumed to be the neuronal substrate of the memory still
remains unknown”(Sara 2000, 75). Schiller remarked in a published
interview that the preservation and transformation of long term memory
does not lie solely in protein synthesis nor the synapses, but rather
in the stories that subjects tell and re-tell, updating the emotional
details of the event (Hall 2013, 54). Her assertion of the significant
role of emotion and narrative, and Sara’s emphasis on the importance
of emotionally significant priming in the context of the remembered
event is consistent with findings by memory implantation techniques
developed by psychologist Elizabeth Loftus.
Loftus
established the mutability of long-term memory in the 1990s by her
behavioral research on memory implantation. Her technique relies on
narrative methods with human subjects. In one of Loftus’experiments,
the “lost in the mall” study, subjects were given a journal filled
with stories of three events from their childhood that their family
members helped to write. One was a fictitious event fertilized
by plausible details: at age five the child was lost in a mall and
rescued by a stranger. In subsequent interviews with these subjects, a
significant subset of the subjects told vivid memories of this
fictitious event (Loftus & Pickrell 1995). In a recent interview,
Loftus comments, “Memory works more like a Wikipedia page; you can
go in there and change it, but so can other people” (Specter 2014,
44).
Memory
reconsolidation is effected both by timely behavioral updates of
someone’s synaptic signature associated with recall and by narrative
updates or re-telling of someone’s long-term memory. Loftus’
research demonstrates the complexity of false memory in the context of
re-telling memories. The intersubjective context of re-telling adds to
the vividness, for the subjects, of their re-told memories and the
conviction with which subjects believe their own updates. This
intersubjective emotional context, whether psychotherapeutic, family,
or community based, is key to the narrative force that effects
long-term memory reconsolidation. The meaningfulness of memory is
contingent not only on the physiological causality of the
neuromodulatory system, but also on the intersubjective narrative
context within which specific memories unfold and are altered.
Here
and Now and There and Then
Some
psychoanalysts have commented on memory reconsolidation as a concept
that corroborates the Freudian idea of Nachträglichkeit (Bleichmar
2010, House 2017). This term is translated by James Strachey in the
Standard Edition as deferred action and by psychoanalysts Laplanche
and Pontalis as après-coup or literally, “afterwardness” (Laplanche
and Pontalis [1967] 1973). I find that it is not necessary to wrestle
with the question of translation itself. Translations convey the
assumptions and conceptual confusions that are the focus of this paper.
The salient confusion resides in the notion of bidirectional psychic
activity implied by the translation debates. First, I summarize the
historical backdrop of the concept.
In
the Project for a Scientific Psychology, Freud introduced the term
Nachträglichkeit, translated by Strachey as a technical term :
deferred action. This translation implies a psychic temporizing
operation. We recall that the ordinary meaning is “a belated
coming to terms with early experiences.” The ordinary phrase
suggests a human meaning-making activity, such as we find, for example,
in intersubjective dialogue or journal writing. Freud applies the
notion of Nachträglichkeit in the context of his clinical practice.
For example, his 1918 case “From the History of an Infantile
Neurosis” describes his patient to have responded with a dream at
age four to a sexual trauma experienced at age one and a half. Freud
posited that the patient at this later date was only then
psychologically capable of reacting to the earlier trauma event. Freud
cites another example of the same twenty-five year old patient, when
he consciously apprehends and verbalizes an experience dating from
four years of age (Freud [1918] 1955). On the basis of these
observations and more from his clinical practice, Freud developed a
psychoanalytic sense of Nachträglichkeit: the reactivation and
reinterpretation of an earlier memory that cannot be assimilated at
the time of occurrence, because of the nature of the event itself and
its effect on the patient in the specific context of her developmental
and maturational state. Subsequently Freud’s use of the term appears
in various forms throughout his corpus but not in any one paper
devoted to the concept itself (Auchincloss and Samberg 2012).
The
second thematic use of the term occurs in Freud’s correspondence
with Fliess, in which he describes the typical re-arrangement or
re-transcription of memory-traces that occur over time and in
accordance with fresh circumstances (Freud [1896] 1950). The two
letters in which this process is described are notorious in
psychoanalytic literature for their attributed import regarding the
putative bi-directional psychic action of Nachträglichkeit. Prior to
French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan’s public attention to the concept
in his lectures of 1953-1955, the psychoanalytic community did not
recognize Nachträglichkeit as a concept. Although at that time Lacan
discussed the concept and renamed the idea après-coup, he did not
persist in the use of the term (House 2017). In 1967 French
psychoanalysts Laplanche and Pontalis translated the term as aprèscoup,
or “afterwardness.” They subsequently began to theorize its
significance for psychotherapeutic change (Laplanche and Pontalis
1973). They argue that Freud was concerned with the observed temporal
bidirectionality of memory in connection with his observation that
experiences, impressions and memory-traces may be revised at later
dates to fit with fresh experiences or with the attainment of an
individual’s new stage of development. Such revisions and updates
are endowed not only with new meaning but also with fresh psychic
effectiveness. Recently, psychoanalyst Otto Kernberg introduced a
translation of Nachträglichkeit as “retrospective modification,”
which has been criticized as losing in translation the intuitively
understood bidirectionality of memory retrieval, especially the
function of après-coup or “afterwardness” (Kernberg 1993).
Psychoanalyst
Jonathan House succinctly summarizes this psychoanalytic intuition of
the psyche’s temporal bidirectionality. House notes that Nachträglichkeit
may be a temporizing cognitive process metaphorically similar to the
chronological characteristics seen in fireworks and land mines.
Detonated fireworks are compared to “afterwardness,” the psychic
function in which results have been determined in the past by the
activation of what was desired or intended when the ensemble was
constructed. Retrospective modification can be metaphorically compared
to the temporizing involved in narrative re-telling of the past. Lacan,
House observed, used Livy’s History of Rome as an example of
retrospective modification. As in historical revisionism, the meanings
of past events are determined in the present on the basis of current
needs, intentions or desires. Translations of Nachträglichkeit have
tended to align with one or the other of two such senses, but not both,
often conflating one with the other.
Laplanche
and Pontalis claim that existential phenomenology articulates an
intuition similar to Nachträglichkeit of psychic temporalizing: that
consciousness constitutes its own past, constantly subjecting its
meaning to revision in alignment with current projects. As I stated
earlier, the salient confusion resides in the notion of bi-directional
psychic activity implied by the translation debates. The notion of
bidirectional psychic activity may itself be a complex and misleading
metaphor for the ordinary process of belatedly coming to terms with
early experiences. If we subscribe to neurocognitive models of
memory reconsolidation, the very notion of bidirectionality is not
coherent when applied to the former. An overall notion of dynamic
structure is a more apt expressive vehicle to convey the sense of
memory reconsolidation. The “bidirectionality,” subjectively felt
“afterwardness,” and “belatedness” of human experiences of
memory are phenomenological modes or specifically temporal indices
undergone by human subjectivity. These modes are subjectively dynamic,
in endogenous rather than exogenous situations.
The
enactive model of cognition posited by neurophenomenology, provides
another window into the “dynamic” aspect of the neurocognitive
structure of memory. The enactive model of cognition proposes that
cognition is “not the representation of a pregiven world by a
pregiven mind but is rather the enactment of a world and mind on the
basis of a history of the variety of [human] actions that [our] being
in the world performs” (Varela, Thompson and Rosch 1991, 9). The
phenomenological interdependency of life world background and
cognitive embodiment, richly described by Merleau-Ponty (Merleau-Ponty
1962) and contemporary neurophenomenologists, attends to the
fundamental circularity of explanations of cognitive acts of memory.
Although we find ourselves in a world that seems to be there prior to
our reflection, the lived world is not separate from our cognitive
acts. The dual facts of human selfunderstanding in the life world, and
the mechanisms adduced by life world sciences are circular in an
epistemological and hermeneutical way (Varela, Thompson and Rosch
1991, 11). The memory trace is a product of endogenous memory storage
operations engaged during various retrieval experiences, in reciprocal
interplay with the exogenous yet subjectively tinged context of the
life world. A recalled episode is tantamount to a retelling of
prior retellings of the same story, rather than a replay of an ancient
story set in stone long ago (Paller 2009, 745). To escape this
phenomenological circularity, Laplanche and Pontalis posit that the
psychoanalytic sense of Nachträglichkeit can provide more descriptive
precision for psychotherapeutic purposes. They posit that first, with
regard to trauma, it is not lived experience in general that undergoes
revision, but specifically whatever was impossible on first recording
to incorporate into a meaningful experience. Infantile, preverbal
experiences are of central psychoanalytic interest in this regard,
especially infantile preverbal traumatic experience. Second, revisions
of specific mnemonic traces of partially unassimilated experience are
occasioned by later situations that enlist organic or developmental
maturation, to allow narrative and emotional reworking of the earlier
experience and access to new levels of meaning. But as MerleauPonty
demonstrated in Phenomenology of Perception, there is no specific
reason why existential phenomenology or the findings of
neurophenomenology cannot be applied for descriptive purposes to human
developmental experience or traumatic experience at any age. Rather, I
find that the psychoanalytic sense of Nachträglichkeit, applied
solely to cases of preverbal infantile trauma, appears ad hoc without
the contributions of enactive cognitive, hermeneutic, and
phenomenological descriptions of perceptual-temporal experience.
Belatedly coming to terms with one’s experience enlists all of the
dimensions of human brain and mind that are elucidated by these
approaches.
The
neurocognitive science perspective concurs that traumas that have
occurred early in life when the appropriate memory systems have not
formed may be inaccessible to words. It might be difficult or
impossible to contextualize information if the brain areas required
were not developed or were shut down when the information was
originally absorbed. So, according to both neurocognitive science and
psychoanalytic theory, the therapeutic relationship may function to
contextualize traumatic memories and to gradually assist the patient
to experience and see that the “here and now” is no longer the
“there and then” of trauma. In this way, memory reconsolidation is
an explanatory framework that clarifies the therapeutic efficacy of
the analytic relationship in the context of the timely use of
psychoanalytic interpretation (Bleichmar 2004, Tuttle 2004). Although
experimental settings for memory manipulation may be able to predict
specific response patterns by human brains in controlled settings,
these manipulations are shown to be inadequate for predicting the
responses of embodied brains or minds, for whom the phenomenological
life world comprises their “outside memory” (Joldersma 2016). On
the basis of the foregoing discussion, I concur that the
psychoanalytic relationship presents a potential situation for the
stimulation and reworking of memory traces in the present, but this
situation is actualized by unpredictable and uncontrolled means.
Freud’s
late metaphor of the palimpsest, an ancient writing tool, is apt at
representing the structural aspect of embodied memory, over the course
of lived time (Freud [1924] 1925). According to neurophenomenology,
consolidation and reconsolidation of long-term memories are based on
the subject’s recent modifications, with shortened retention
intervals in the retrieval pattern generated by the recently activated
synaptic signature. In other words, each time a memory is retrieved,
the information in question is associated with other recent
information that expands the operative nature and meaning of the
memory. In human subjective recall, new events and the unique context
or the outside memory instigate reinterpretation of the retrieval.
This is a memory structure that dynamically influences the present
memory state and simultaneously effects remembrance of the past,
giving “the past” new and effective meaning in the present and
motivating future behavior. Freud’s palimpsest can record a great
amount of material while always remaining “new.” But this material
leaves a faint, but perceptible trace on the waxen surface below which
can be seen if one were to lift up the sheet of plastic and examine
the wax surface. This, for Freud, is similar to the way the psychic
system, receiving sense impressions from the outside world, remains
unmarked by those impressions which pass through it to a deeper layer
where they are recorded as unconscious memory. He writes that “the
appearance and disappearance of the writing” is similar to “the
flickering-up and passing-away of consciousness in the process of
perception” (Freud [1924] 1925, 230). Freud’s metaphor evokes his
earlier neurocognitive model of memory reconsolidation. I turn to this
earlier model to show that its corroborated structure includes
motivation, a neurocognitive element that is indispensable to the
belated coming to terms with early experiences that is key to
psychotherapeutic change.
Memory-Motive
Structure
Freud
in Project for a Scientific Psychology initially broached significant
aspects of memory reconsolidation. He did not have the scientific
information necessary to fully remark on the biochemical, genetic, and
molecular processes now known to constitute long term memory storage.
Rather the Project develops a nineteenth century account of
neuropsychological processes, measured by the galvanometer of his time
as action currents of electrical nerve impulses. Neuroscientists
Pribram and Gill in Freud’s ‘Project’ Re-Assessed, look at
Freud’s treatise as the “Rosetta Stone” for improved
contemporary intercommunication of biology, neurology, and
psychoanalytic theory (Pribram and Gill 1976). The Project, they claim,
gives operational definitions of neurological and behavioral
mechanisms that anticipate later psychoanalytic concepts such as drive
reduction, ego strength, wish fulfillment, and reality testing. They
demonstrate that the Project provides a prescient view of the relation
between psychic internal and external environment, concretely
formulated in a memory-based structure of motivation. Their critique
of Freud’s neuropsychological treatise unpacks inconsistencies and
errors from the point of view of contemporary neuroscience in his
account of drives, affect, and pleasure/unpleasure. Aside from errors,
Pribram and Gill tease out Freud’s reliance on neuron theory that is
consistent with the theory, as it exists today, yet written two years
before the term “synapse” named the discontinuities intercalated
between the elements that compose the nervous system. Freud called
these discontinuities the “contact barrier” and in all other
respects the elementary, cellular composition of the nervous system
described in the Project is compatible with current neurophysiological
conceptualization.
The
Project develops an account of the neural mechanism that, while
receptive and capable of discharge, still maintains the ability to
delay and retain excitation. Central to Freud’s memory-motive
structure is the idea that neurological excitation is both transmitted
but also stored in neurons as a negative quantity of energy. Freud
extrapolated from the graded electronic phenomena discovered in his
time: when electronic potentials reach a certain magnitude then
discharge, an action current results in a nerve impulse. He saw that
subsequently the potential is gradually reconstituted. This storage to
which Freud refers is translated by Strachey as cathexis, deriving
from the Greek cathedos: the root of the English “cathode” or
negative potential. Contemporary terminology discards Freud’s notion
of stored quantity of energy in favor of neurochemical changes
recorded from nervous tissues called “potentials.”
Freud
posited a functional split between two neurological systems. The
peripheral nervous system, phi, are neurons that by virtue of contact
of the environment are responsible for receptivity and motor discharge.
Psi, or the neural apparatus in contact with endogenous excitation, is
given over to retention. Freud found psi as most interesting from a
psychological point of view. Here, branches of neurons, in contact
with others, develop networks of selective facilitation: the basis of
the memory trace. Pribram and Gill note the neurological fact that
every neuron has several paths of connection with other neurons. The
Project describes several contact barriers or synapses that allow
selective facilitation to occur and thus the flow of nerve impulses to
become directional. This neurological operation is identified by Freud
as the motive process that guides behavior.
Freud’s
early metapsychology draws an identity between the memory trace and
the structure of motive. Each memory trace is doubly determined by
endogenous and exogenous neuronal excitations. Memories are the
feedback or retentional aspects of these facilitations; motives the
feedforward aspects of excitations that run to completion thus guiding
motivational behavior (Pribram & Gill 1976, 70). The Project
describes tension between the primary function of immediate discharge
and the secondary function of equilibrium; tension established when
the system receives endogenous stimuli from somatic elements,
simultaneously realizing potentials in the external world. The Project
shows the executive, prefrontal secondary process to slowly defend
against the accruing excitation, which results when key neurons are
stimulated to initiate the “generation of unpleasure.” Both in the
Project and current neurophysiology the ego or prefrontal executive
process operates by an emergent feedforward directive that is willed,
intentional and voluntary, exercising inhibitory influences on a
facilitative primary process (Pribram and Gill 1976, 81).
For
example, Freud describes the mesh between the infant’s experiences
of nurture by caregivers, in which unpleasure is brought to an end by
the pleasurable relief of tension. He notes that only by caregiving
interventions can memory-motive structures cathect as wishes develop
neurological complexity, and get organized as inhibitory ego functions.
In Freud’s account, wishes are memory traces of satisfactory
experiences. Inhibition is necessary for wishes to modify into
expectation, and to permit reality testing. Pribram and Gill claim
that Freud’s linkage, in the Project, of motive and memory in the
structure of the wish is one of his fundamental contributions to brain
science. The memory-motive structure is testable, they claim, at both
the neurological and behavioral level, independent of any
psychoanalytic situation (Pribram & Gill 1976, 71). The mechanism
that allows ego or prefrontal executive control to develop rather than
to be overwhelmed by large amounts of excitation is the process of
satisfaction, or learning by reinforcement.
Learning,
in Freud’s time, was experimentally observed and called
consolidation and reconsolidation. By the mid-1880s, memory
consolidation was the topic of laboratory study by German psychologist
Hermann Ebbinghaus. Studies of human subjects’ repetitious recall of
lists of syllables yielded two principles of memory storage: that
different types of memory have different life spans, and that
repetition makes memories last longer. German psychologists George Müller
and Alfons Pilzecker observed memory’s resistance to interference
over time and its high susceptibility to disruption, if made to learn
additional material during a memorization task. The effects of such
interference, confirmed by subsequent studies of humans and animals,
is considered by clinical neurologists to be the mechanism operative
in retroactive amnesia caused by head traumas and epileptic seizures.
Memory traces of events immediately prior to the trauma do not
have the chance to undergo consolidation and to gain resistance to
interference (Squire and Kandel 2009).
Both
the neurocognitive model of memory reconsolidation and the Freudian
model of Nachträglichkeit question the veracity of memory, but for
different reasons. Freud’s account of primary and secondary
processes proposes that the conscious retrieval of some traumatic
memories can occur only in distorted form. Both his palimpsest
metaphor and his neurocognitive account in the Project describe the
inscription of new experiential mnemonic residues on the unconscious
and the censorious activities of consciousness itself, leading to
memory distortion. The Freudian notion of repression assumes a general
impossibility of recall of some traumatic memories, due to their
fixated, inassimilable status within the unconscious. Some
psychoanalytic psychotherapists claim that the neurocognitive concept
of memory reconsolidation challenges and replaces the Freudian notion
of repression. The neuroscience model hypothesizes that under stress,
information may not be recalled simply because the appropriate memory
systems were either not formed or not functioning while the traumatic
event occurred. Using a different descriptive framework, Freud
believed that threatening thoughts, feelings, or events may be pushed
into the unconscious because of a motivation to protect the ego from
overwhelming anxiety. Regardless of descriptive differences, the
memory-motive structure is constituted in part by memory traces formed
prior to secondary processes. These memory traces are inherent to
normal development. On this account, repressed traumatic memory traces
described by psychoanalytic theory are only a subset of these
developmental traces.
Each
time a memory is retrieved qua memory, the information in question is
associated with other recent information that expands the effect and
meaning of it. The integrated memory-motive structure, experimentally
corroborated, shows that the stories we tell, within specific contexts
primed for re-telling and recall of certain long-term memories, can
update memories, potentially converting these updates to motivational
pathways activated by decisions and anticipatory behavior. Exactly how
this occurs remains in the brain science research agenda.
Neuroscientist Karl Pribram describes, in his intellectual
autobiography, the history of experimental studies that establish how
forms of memory can best be understood as self-organizing structures
of complexity (Pribram 2013). We are used to an image of the human
psyche as an onion whose respective layers of cognitive functions can
be stripped away. The onion image conveys the idea that the surface
complexity of reflectivity can be reduced to the simple core of
self-experience. Neuroscientist Joseph LeDoux shows that this paradigm
is outdated, similar to the way that the layers of the brain and its
functions were described prior to brain science discoveries of the
self-organizing capacities of mind (LeDoux 1996). The common error in
outdated models of intrapsychic structures and brain function is to
imagine the mind/ brain entity as organized by hierarchy, from simple
to complex, rather than to imagine this dynamic entity as embodied
complexity in its entirety: self-creative or autopoetic (Varela,
Thompson and Rosch 1991).
Biologically
based cognition is orchestrated by self-organizing neurological
networks that are foundational to embodied, reflective experience.
Emergent global properties of human cognitive capacities are not
replicable in controlled experimental situations. Although the tools
of brain science are advancing measurements of the neurological
temporal and perceptual events that correlate with cognitive acts,
brain science itself cannot causally induce the global transformations
of embodied mind observed in ordinary situations such as our rapid
recognition of others, associative memory, infant language acquisition
or prefrontal executive development. The question “What is a neural
network that it may be capable of supporting a human, embodied
existence?” is an enigma common to brain science, neurophenomenology
and psychoanalysis (Globus cited in Varela, Thompson and Rosch 1991,
127). Significant to any answer is Freud’s notice of the
neurological mechanisms that support the conversion of memory updates
to motivational pathways activated by decisions and anticipatory
behavior.
Conclusion
Freud’s
memory-motive structure, integrated with the findings of brain science
and neurophenomenological descriptions, helps us to “see” how
remembrance of the past transforms long-term memory by giving it
refreshed, significant meaning and significance. This account is
compatible with existential phenomenology’s view of memory as an
embodied experience that is dynamically reciprocal in its exchanges
with the life world. In this reciprocal involvement, at work are
complex pre-reflective, pre-thematic layers of mind as well as
reflective, autobiographical, and recollective networks of complexity.
The memory-motive structure functions within worldly modalities of
temporal-perceptual expressiveness. The former can be disrupted and
changed by insufficient learning techniques, trauma and repression,
affecting one’s sense of one’s own narrative self and one’s own
worldly agency. Humans live in an embodied temporal continuum
throughout their lifespan that includes all kinds of modes of
disruption that will generate, depending on the intersubjective
context, different versions of belatedly coming to terms with one’s
experience.
This essay points to the desirable convergence between existential
phenomenology, psychoanalysis and brain science. The convergence is
desirable because experimental research on self-organizing structures
of mind verifies the autopoetic findings of phenomenology and sheds
some light on the how of psychotherapeutic change. The memory-motive
structure is an autopoetic process over one’s life span that does
not terminate within a specific situation. Rather, it implies that an
ongoing self-analysis can be part of a coherent way of life.
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